Why Donbas is a crucial buffer for Russia | Explained

The Donbas region in eastern Ukraine which comprises Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts has been at the core of the Russian invasion. The two areas put together primarily create the boundary between Russia and Ukraine.

Most of Donetsk and Luhansk are currently under the separatist regime and what was left has gradually been brought into the fold in this war.

The Donbas region is known as an industrial powerhouse with heavy-mining and steel-producing capacity, as well as large coal reserves and pharmaceutical and chemical industries.

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Travelling through Donetsk, one can spot the huge mines, and mountains of the earth due to the digging of mines, steel plants and heavy industries. The region has a huge potential, but due to the conflict that the region has been involved in for the past eight years, many of the mines and plants have not been operating, and the recent war has brought the whole industrial machinery to a screeching halt.

EIGHT YEARS OF DONBAS CONFLICT

Donbas is a region with a population that primarily speaks Russian. Part of the population also consists of Russian-origin Ukrainians. Therefore, Russia asserts that these territories need to be protected from “Ukrainian nationalism”.

The Russia-Ukraine conflict technically began in 2013. Russia was always wary of western Ukraine’s pro-West tilt and with an increasing conversation and engagement with the European Union (EU) and floating the idea of joining the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation), an anti-Soviet military bloc, Moscow started cultivating the separatists in eastern Ukraine.

Back then, Kyiv had a pro-Russia leadership in Viktor Yanukovych who was losing the confidence of the people in Western and Central Ukraine. In late November 2013, Yanukovych abandoned Ukraine’s Association Agreement with the EU — a framework for closer economic ties — and signed an agreement to join its Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, sparking massive protests known as ‘Euromaidan’ or “the revolution of dignity.”

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The protests continued in 2014 with a major crackdown and series of repressive laws, restricting civil society and individuals the right to protest. But that didn’t stop Ukrainians, and President Yanukovych had to flee the country which brought to office a pro-West, pro-Europe Petro Poroshenko on May 25, 2014.

The maiden protests had a very different impact in eastern Ukraine. As the crisis deepened, Russia realised that it needed to protect its interests and could not have a pro-West Army at its borders on the west even if they were not NATO forces. Before Yanukovych lost power, Russia incorporated Crimea into its territory in March 2014 and supported the armed rebels and militias in the regions of East Ukraine bordering Russia in Donetsk (DPR) and Luhansk (LPR).

On May 11, 2014, referendums were held in many parts of Donetsk and Luhansk, seeking to establish them as independent Republics. According to reports, the majority voted in favour. But, after no recognition, the two areas were the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LPR).

For eight years, this region has seen major conflict and onslaught from the Ukrainians as well since they were the break-away territories. Homes shelled, border towns living in fear of being attacked.

MINSK AGREEMENTS

The people in these parts demanded ‘autonomy’ even if not independence. To quell the continued tensions in the east, the Minsk agreements came into being – two accords signed in September 2014 and February 2015 – after negotiations among Ukraine, Russia and representatives from Donetsk, Luhansk.

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Minsk I was essentially a ceasefire signed between Ukraine and Russian-backed separatists in the Belarusian capital but did not hold up.

Minsk II was more comprehensive, and it was signed by representatives of Russia, Ukraine, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and heads of the two pro-Russian separatist regions.

SALIENT FEATURES OF THE ACCORD

  • To ensure an immediate bilateral ceasefire that will be monitored and verified by the OSCE.
  • Provides for the creation of security zones on the Russian-Ukrainian border.
  • Decentralisation of power and to organise local elections in Donbas and Luhansk in accordance with Ukrainian law.
  • Immunity for persons/groups involved in the fight against Ukraine in Donetsk and Luhansk.
  • Adoption of a program of economic recovery for LPR and DPR.
  • Release and exchange of hostages.

Russia has been critical of Ukraine for not abiding by the Minsk agreements. While Kyiv says the reason for non-implementation is the presence of Russian forces in Donbas. Moscow rejected the claims and insisted that it was not a signatory to the accord, and therefore the agreement did not apply to it.

However, for Moscow, the eight years have also been a tightrope walk — highlighting the woes of the Russian-origin people in Donbas internationally, the call for autonomy in the region and handling the pressure from the separatist leaders to recognise both DPR and LPR as independent republics. The latter was always the last resort for Putin.

SCHISM BETWEEN UKRAINIANS AND RUSSIANS OF UKRAINE

The linguistic and descent divide was deepening between the west and the east of Ukraine. In order to integrate the Donbas region with Russia yet recognise them as a separate region, on April 14, 2019, President Putin signed a Presidential decree allowing residents of LPR and DPR to receive Russian citizenship under a simplified procedure, citing international human rights legislation.

On April 25, 2019, Ukraine passed the “language law” in its Parliament – the Law on Supporting the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the state language. Ukrainian was made compulsory for all official purposes, with some special exemptions for the Crimean Tatar language, and other languages of indigenous peoples of Ukraine. Russian, Byelorussian and Yiddish were excluded from the exemptions.

The act of trying to de-Russianise an entire country with a huge population of Russian descent was certainly a problem. It gave a greater push to Putin’s plans to have an entire region in its sphere of influence.

RUSSIA AND THE NATO-EU TANGLE

With increasing clamour over Ukraine joining the EU and NATO, Moscow started assessing the situation. While there were problems between the east and the west, the treatment of Russian-speaking Ukrainians by the Kyiv administration was not the only reason for invading Ukraine, a big factor was also the anti-Russia government of President Zelenskyy cozying up to the West.

Therefore, a deed that could have been done long ago, was signed on 21 February 2022. Putin decided to recognise Donetsk and Luhansk Republics as independent entities and signed the Federal Law “On ratification of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance” with them.

BEYOND DONBAS

On February 24, 2022, President Putin announced the launch of a “Special Military Operation” in Ukraine. But Putin did not confine the war to the Donbas region or capture territories that are traditionally part of this region like Mariupol, Volnovakha, Gorlovka (Harlivka), among others.

On April 13, 2014, Russia requested to convene a meeting of the UNSC to discuss issues surrounding Ukraine. Russia also organised a briefing during its UNSC Presidency on 17 February 2022 UNSC briefing “Letter of the PR of the Russian Federation S/2014/264 (Ukraine)”, but did not receive much support from the international quarters regarding humanitarian issues faced by the people of Donbas.

Russia needs the Donbas region today as a buffer, but Moscow’s move to capture territories beyond Donbas and the destruction and damage it has caused to a sovereign nation is indicative of future plans of Russia to encircle and secure any and all territories that could pose a threat to its own borders, albeit a complete violation of international rules and norms.